Africa
Development, Vol. XXXVII, No. 2, 2012, pp. 195–208
© Council
for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2012
(ISSN 0850-3907)
Participatory Development and Non-Governmental Organisations in Sudan:
Expectations and Realities
Nawal El-Gack*
Abstract
This article describes and analyses the roles and
contributions of nongovernmental organisations in Sudan. There is a strong
belief that involving local people in development activities would be achieved
through community organisations. As a result, when implementing participatory
development interventions, there is a tendency to rely on non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) at national and regional levels, and support the formation
of community organisations at grassroots level. To understand the concepts of
these practices, this article will provide a brief review of NGOs’ theories and
in-depth analysis of Sudanese NGOs’ performance and contributions. It suggests
that there is a need to encourage and support the establishment of effective
networks and links between government institutions local community
organisations, private sectors and international organisations. Moreover, the
article argues that international organisations with genuine intentions to
reach the impoverished communities should be aware of their local partners’
vision and investigate how genuine democratic and accountable non-governmental
organisations are promoting participatory development approaches. Information
about NGOs is based on a field research conducted 2007. I used focus group
discussion and semi-structured interviews to explore the participants’
perceptions and experiences.
Résumé
Cet article décrit et analyse les rôles et
contributions des organisations nongouvernementales au Soudan. Il existe une
forte conviction selon laquelle impliquer les populations locales dans les
activités de développement est réalisable à travers les organisations
communautaires. Ainsi, dans la mise en œuvre des interventions de développement
participatif, on observe une tendance à se reposer sur les organisations
non-gouvernementales (ONG) au niveau national et régional et appuyer la
formation d’organisations communautaire au
* Faculty
of Arts and Design, University of Canberra, ACT 2601. E mail:
nawal.el-gack@canberra.edu.au
196
niveau de la base. Pour comprendre
les concepts de ces pratiques, cet article offre une brève revue des théories
des ONG et une analyse en profondeur de
la performance et des contributions des ONG soudanaises. Il suggère qu’il
existe un besoin d’encourager et d’appuyer l’établissement de réseaux et liens
efficaces entre les organisations communautaires locales, les institutions
gouvernementales, les secteurs privés et les organisations internationales. En
outre, l’article défend le point de vue selon lequel les organisations
internationales, ayant des intentions réelles de toucher les communautés vivant
dans la pauvreté, devraient avoir conscience de la vision de leurs partenaires
locaux et s’assurer que les organisations non-gouvernementales encouragent réellement
des approches de développement participatif d’une manière démocratique et en
toute transparence. Les informations sur les ONG sont basées sur une recherche
de terrain conduite en 2007. Nous avons utilisé des discussions de groupes et
des interviews semi-structurées pour explorer les perceptions et les
expériences des participants.
A Conceptual Framework
Many authors and theorists
highlight the important role of community organisations as a mechanism for
implementing successful participatory development (Uphoff 1991:495-97; Warren
1998; Hailey 2001; Kabeer 2003). Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have
been seen as participatory development pioneers and have gained the respect and
trust of donors and other development agencies. They have been identified as
the most qualified instruments that can involve people in development processes
(Rahnema 1992). Brohman (1996) asserts that NGOs, through participatory
fieldwork, succeeded in providing local communities with some innovative
solutions to their problems. Brohman explains that NGOs have advantages over
other development agencies because of their flexibility, speed of operation,
and ability to respond quickly when there are special circumstances. NGOs were
given special status of being non-governmental organisations so that
bureaucratic barriers could not trap them (Rahnema 1992). Willis (2005) points
out those NGOs that rely on indigenous knowledge are considered more efficient
and effective in providing services.
In complex
socio-political environments the concept and practice of participatory
development calls for including local organisations and civil society in
decision-making processes (Warren 1998:122). Moreover, the involvement of local
people in various forms of decentralised decision-making has become the focus
of the neo-liberal approaches, which dominate the current development trends in
many countries. According to Willis (2005:97) this involvement is associated
with growth of NGOs. Willis (2005:98) argues that NGOs, whether international or
national, are often regarded as channels for facilitating development for a
range of reasons. ‘Firstly, it is assumed that NGOs could provide services that
are much more appropriate to the
197
local community. Secondly, they
relied on local knowledge and used local material; therefore they were able to
provide such services more efficiently and effectively.
On the other hand, within the field of
development there has been a continuous critique and debate about some groups
who have been excluded because of gender, ethnicity, class or religion (Kothari
and Minogue, 2002). Chambers (1991:533) suggests that to put people first, and
to put poorer people first of all, requires organisations that are strong and
sustainable, and policies to support them. In this regards, local community
organisations are seen as one of the mechanisms that could give impetus to
participatory development (Weekes-Vagliani 1995). Accordingly, the formation of
organisations and making reforms within local structures has been extensively
highlighted in the literature. However, Black (1991:160) points out that
because the current fashion calls for promotion of community organisations and
the involvement of communities in the assessment of needs and planning of
projects, all development agencies identify this as their objective, but
clearly, there are only few that have put this process into practice. Brohman
(1996) adds that alternative development programmes and projects had adopted
the top-down administrative structure and did not afford any opportunities to
local organisations to participate in decision-making processes.
Concerns about NGOs’ Structures and Performance
Many development interventions intend to establish
community structures similar to the arrangements of bureaucratic structures
(Cleaver 2001:42), which might result in creating a complicated or unproductive
system. Rahman (1995:29) points out that NGOs have succeeded in delivering
development at grassroots level but in several countries have created new
professional elites who enjoy status and benefits, which are equivalent to, or
exceed, senior government officials’. Pretty and Scoones (1995:163) point out
that many NGOs in the developing world, especially the non-membership
organisations, are not accountable. Moreover, it was evident that those NGOs
have wasted resources and time of local people (Pretty and Scoones 1995:164).
Involving Women in Community Organisations
As mentioned earlier, the gender
dimension of development activities has gained a lot of attention and focus
from development agencies. Involving women in community organisations at
various levels has received more efforts and inputs. However, whether it is
better to form separate organisations for men and women or to have both in same
organisation is
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still under debate. Uphoff (1991) argues that separate
organisations for women would enhance solidarity and outcomes, but in some
circumstances, such as the availability of funds, it may not be viable to have
separate organisations. However, in this case, there is a risk of placing
women’s participation under the control of men (Schneider and Libercier 1985).
Cornwall (2003) argues that although it might be necessary to open up space for
women’s voices by installing them in the existing committees, this may not be
enough if female participants are not concerned about other women, or their
perceptions and concerns are not valued by male members. Clearly, within this
framework there would a power dimension. Evans (2003) notes that any set of
organisation includes power relations, which entail a distribution of gains and
losses. This means that there is a possibility of emergence of conflict, which
requires an understanding of socio-cultural environments and adopting dialogue
and negotiations.
The Sudanese NGOs
In Sudan there are no legal
obstacles to people’s rights of association and the Sudanese’ law has
guaranteed the people’s right to create their own organisations. The Societies
Registration Act was passed in 1957 and since that time up to the 1980s, the registered
NGOs were largely confined to charity and relief works (Sudan Government,
1997).
For the time
being, in Sudan, there are different forms of community organisations, which
can be classified into five categories according to their ideological background
and roles. First are social-oriented organisations, which focus on providing
social and public services, such as adult education and health services both in
cities and rural areas. Second are politically affiliated organisations which
are supported and funded by political parties and operate as social services
providers. Third are the trade unions (workbased organisations); fourth are the
academic and technically oriented organisations which mainly exist in the
capital or some cities where there are research or academic institutions.
Finally, there are religious organisations that offer both social services and
spiritual support. All these forms of organisation exist at national and
regional levels; while social and religious organisations are exist only at the
grassroots level.
In 1979, the
government established the Sudan Council of Voluntary Agencies (SCOVA) to
develop voluntary activities; record and exchange information; network between
specialised groups, build capacity through training and sensitisation,
cooperate with relevant government bodies; and strengthen bilateral relations
at the regional and international levels. SCOVA was assumed to embrace
non-governmental organisations, foundations and commissions that had been
officially registered in the Humanitarian Aid
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Commission. This, however, led to
conflict of interest among the different NGOs because SCOVA cannot practically
represent all the national NGOs since it was initiated and supported by the
government. SCOVA records show that about 400 organisations that are registered
as members. It thus appears that members of local NGOs have the skills and
knowledge of how to attract and mobilise resources and develop connections with
donors and development agencies, particularly those agencies that believe in
participation and are interested in building relations with local NGOs rather
than deal with government institutions. The failure of NGOs in establishing any
form of effective networks among themselves has great influence on their
performance and outcomes. This results in waste of time and opportunities to
make a real contribution in developing and improving the living standard of the
majority who lack the skills and knowledge to initiate interventions and access
the resources’ providers.
According to
Sudan’s First National Human Development Report (1998), the number of unions
decreased from 104 in 1989 to 26 in 1998. In fact, all trade unions were
dissolved in 1989 when the present regime took power and a new law governing
the structure and activities of trade unions was passed. This would explain why
the number of trade unions declined during 1990s. Mohammed (2001:55) asserts
that variations and contradictions in interests have influenced the unions and
largely transformed them into political organisations controlled, co-opted or
suppressed by government. This could be due to the fact that throughout the
political history of Sudan trade unions had played an important part in
changing the military regimes. The present government has made some protective
measures to reduce or control the trade unions’ role, particularly in the
political arena.
However,
other technical and social organisations have a wide space of freedom. The
national NGOs have their own linkages with international NGOs, development
agencies, and donors. Different organisations are involved in partnership or
have relationships with external institutions. In this context the most
important issue is freedom of association, which is a condition for successful
participatory development (Egger 1995:110).
In 1992, the
government launched the Comprehensive Development Strategy (CDS) (1992-2002)
with a focus on creating self-reliance, satisfying human quest for dignity and
freedom alongside advancement in economic, social and cultural life emanating
from Sudan’s national heritage. To achieve these objectives, the strategy
identified the need to mobilise the Sudanese and forge new partnerships between
government, NGOs, grassroots organisations and the private sector. The CDS
(Sudan Government 1992:59) also states that ‘social development is a joint
effort involving the government and citizens, theoretically this means that
people have the full right to
200
participate in decision-making
processes through different ways. This strategy calls for more involvement of
people in all fields of development’. However, it seems the CDS statement had
no room for practical expression. The Sudan’s first Human National Development Report (1998) points out that the laws
governing NGOs made it difficult for them to register, although they managed to
survive and make some achievements.
After signing
the peace agreement between the North and the South of Sudan in January 2005,
the government opened more space for civil society organisations to develop
more relationships with international NGOs and donors. It also allowed the
political parties to operate and trade unions were formed, in what it appears
to be democratic. However, there are concerns regarding the transparency of
election process. The critical question
relates to whether these NGOs are capable of playing a significant role
in any development interventions? In practice, most civil society organisations
are not engaged in governance or local community issues and mainly work at a
central level. There are negative public opinions and perceptions about NGOs.
Many of them have been linked with certain powerful people or political parties
during the last three decades and even the professional NGOs did not escape
this trap.
Arising from this scenario, therefore,
national and regional organisations are almost not existent at grassroots
level. National and regional NGOs are
simply not available to serve the ordinary people in rural areas where they are
mostly needed. During a focus group discussion, a female academic who had
previous working experience in rural areas explained:
Rural women are suffering because of illiteracy and
lack of services. ... those local NGOs who always talk about gender issues and
rural women never go there and make real contribution to change that situation
(FA-Al-Azhary University/ Khartoum).
Hence, despite the large number of national and regional
NGOs in Sudan, it appears the rural people are not aware of their existence.
People who are not involved directly or indirectly with these NGOs often
criticise their orientation, the behaviour of their members and their
connection with outsiders. Participants from different backgrounds,
journalists, academics and specialists have recorded these perceptions and
views, some of which are extracted below:
The civil society organizations are controlled by
elites, who seem to be permanent employees with unknown employers, speak
foreign languages, stay in the capital or big cities and are very good in
organizing workshops and meetings. In fact, being a civil society activist is a
very profitable job (Male Journalist-SSI/ Khartoum).
201
A gender specialist from the Federal Ministry of
Agriculture and Forestry commented thus:
Many members of the NGOs are spies, working against
their country and looking after their personal benefits. They rent the best
houses in the town, drive cars, travel abroad and organize conferences and
workshops. They know how to please the donors and the international agencies
which finance them. They are just good
at complaining and criticizing government, but who is going to criticize them?
(GAD-FGD/ Khartoum).
Through a semi-structured interview a
male academic from the University of Khartoum commented:
One of the problems of this country [is that] most of
these NGOs claim that they are concerned about development, but they are not.
They are either supporting this political party or that one, or have other
hidden agendas. Unfortunately, it becomes a personal business. Many national
organisations have been led by the same persons or group of people for the last
two or three decades. (MAI-SSI/ Khartoum).
Formation of Community Organisations by
Development Projects
Based on local practices, local
communities usually select their representatives for voluntary grassroots
organisations through consultation and negotiation. Through this process no one
would be hurt or excluded. This also means that the communities avoid the
perceptions of ‘losers’ and ‘winners’ in a decision (Burayidi 2000:7). Many
international organisations are getting involved in development processes
through development projects; these projects place the formation of new
organisations, through democratic procedure, at the centre of their interventions.
Through this ‘democratic process’, projects introduced new ways of selecting
community representatives rather than following the local selection procedure.
It was evident that these new procedures created divisions and tensions in some
rural areas as those who were not selected felt rejected and decided to stay
away. This raises a concern about how development providers should deal with
local systems.
For example
the North Kordofan Rural Development project (implemented by IFAD and the
Sudanese Government between 2001 and 2008) created new structures, which were
called Village Development Organisations (VDOs). These VDOs were formed at
village level through general village assembly where, according to the size of
the village, six to eleven members were elected to form the executive
committee. According to the VDO’s
202
constitution, women should make
up 30 per cent of the committees’ membership. Each committee consisted of a
chairperson, secretary, treasurer and assistant treasurer, nomads’ representative,
village Sheikh (leader) and extension workers. Some of the
members who were made extension workers led the sub-committees that dealt with
agricultural, livestock, crop production and horticulture, women’s development,
agro-forestry and rangeland activities. The project fieldworkers were
responsible of the formation of VDOs. They followed a democratic process of
choosing the members and the president. However, local communities usually
selected the members of grassroots organisations through consultations and
negotiations, a procedure that protected their internal solidarity.
According to IFAD (2002), the main
objectives of the Village Development Organisations (VDOs) were to:
1. Enhance
the concept of solidarity, consultation and participation;motivate the
community, local and national institutions to contribute to the establishment
of social service, protection of the environment and the development of natural
resources;
2.
Carry out social and economic activities in
order to improve the socialand economic status of people at the village level;
3.
Improve the productivity of crops and livestock;
4.
Plan and implement capacity building programmes
through self-helpand gender mainstreaming approaches;
5.
Establish partnership and seek support from the
government and otherdevelopment institutions;
6. Provide
its members with loans from the organisation’s resources orthrough the
facilitation of banks’ loans; and
7. Coordinate
the sustainable development efforts provided by differentdevelopment agencies.
The VDO and its committees are
responsible to the general assembly. According to its constitution, the village
general assembly, which is formed of registered members, elects the board of
directors and the head of the committees, and approves the annual plan, budget
and report. The responsibility of the board of directors is to resolve
conflicts, maintain solidarity, invite and welcome state officials and other
dignitaries, participate in preparing the annual plan and budget, and invite
the village assembly for general meetings. The VDO constitution states clearly
that only registered members can benefit from the bank facilities and the
profits from VDOs’ assets. Other people have the right to benefit from other
social services according to the conditions that would be specified by VDO
committees.
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These social services include
training, literacy programmes, pest management and health services by trained
service providers, such as midwives, and so on.
The VDO’s
assets are reviewed and calculated at the year end during which profits
accruing from the credit fund is shared as follows: 40 per cent for the
members; 20 per cent for the board of directors; 20 per cent added to the
capital; 10 per cent reserved for the village services; and the last 10 per
cent budgeted for unseen services (IFAD 2002:2). Other undeclared benefits are
participation in meetings, discussions and selection of community
representatives, which are guaranteed to registered members only. The poorest
groups, who could not afford to pay the membership fees, have no rights,
according to the constitution, to attend meetings, nominate or be nominated for
a VDO position in its committees. This means that the poorest are deprived of
the right to voice out their opinions, select their representatives, or have a
chance to be selected.
These new
organisations were to replace the traditional community-based organisations and
to take over their responsibility. It was also expected that their members
would be empowered through training and interaction with financial
institutions. In general, the project has created new complicated structures
that were neither understood by the members nor by ordinary people. Moreover,
it was evident that it created tension, especially in some villages, where
there was more than one leader (Sheikh).
The VDOs were not represented clearly in the projects Board of Directors; the
project had adopted the top-down administrative structure, which did not offer
opportunities to local organisations to participate in the decision-making
process (Brohman 1996). Meanwhile, it cannot be claimed that the members of
these organisations were empowered to criticise or evaluate major decisions
concerning project staff, objectives or finance. Moreover, the existence of
these new structures neither replaced the old organisations nor empowered its
members. Instead, it deprived the traditional organisations of the opportunity
to be empowered. Traditional associations, such as education association,
native administration and El-Goodeya council
(mediation and reconciliation council) continued to conduct their duties, while
the new village development organisations only dealt with issues related to the
project, such as credit, calling for meetings and welcoming missions and
project staff.
Moreover, little
attempt was made to streamline the operations of the VDO vis-a-vis the
traditional societies that preceded it. For instance, even though the El-Goodeya was a recognised
community-based organisation established through consultation as a mediation
and reconciliation council, yet the constitution of VDOs says ‘the VDO at the
village level will be
204
responsible for conflict
resolution’ (IFAD 2002:4). So what was El-Goodeya
supposed to do after VDO was created – disband?
Also, in
reality, these VDOs represent the project’ participants who paid the fees and
enrolled as members. This means those who are not members cannot be ruled by
the new organisation (VDO). Nevertheless, the VDO constitution did not specify
whether the VDO would handle conflicts between its members or deal with all the
community and what would be the case if there were conflicts between the
project participants and non-participants. In view of this confusion, however,
the observable pattern has been that the locals remain attached to El-Goodeya Council and committed to its
rules for the following reasons: (i) the council’s members are the most
respected and trusted in the community, partly because their selection is not
arbitrary but based on certain inherent qualities; (ii) the council represents
all the community members without exception. Apparently, many felt shut out by
the creation of the VDO membership on subscription basis (Lane 1995).
The VDOs made their alienation of the
people keenest by excluding the poorest households. As a result, members of
communities kept the project committees and activities away from their
traditional institutions. This resulted in clear demarcation between the
indigenous or grassroots organisations and the ‘project’s committees’ with one representing the community and the other
representing the project. Nevertheless, the project committees tried to rise
above this divisive tendency by involving all the people in their general
meetings whether they are VDO members or not. In various villages, it was observed that when
the project staff asked the members of the VDO committee to invite the members
for meetings they tended to send children to call the people. The invitation is
always extended to everyone. Even those who are not members can attend. This is
a traditional right. Local communities used to organise their meetings in the
open air, and everyone who sees people gathering will just turn up and join the
group. In fact, the people are the ones who spontaneously brought the project
within the communities’ indigenous framework.
Reflection on NGOs’ Accountability
The national and regional NGOs,
at present, are involved with international organisations in shaping
development processes. However, most of these NGOs, particularly in Khartoum
and the state capitals have failed to implement sound and visible projects or
programmes that will alleviate poverty, develop communities and combat
corruption. Moreover, these NGOs themselves are not above suspicion. Despite
the donor trust and operational freedom allowed them, many NGOs at national or state level
apparently lack leaders and members with strong moral commitment to the welfare
of the local
205
people.. Most of the national NGOs engaged in political
conflicts, lack coordination capacities and good reputation. Overall, the
regional and national NGOs lack the requisite values and commitments that are
needed to make them truly accountable to those they claim to assist. This
proves that freedom of association alone cannot be a sufficient guarantee for
acquiring accountable and efficient community organisations. The credibility
and commitment of the leaders of the NGOsare also important. Grassroots
organisations at the village level may lack the capacity to create changes
needed by the local communities, yet most of the voluntary grassroots
associations in North Kordofan State where the author conducted this study,
have proved to be good at achieving
people’s aspirations and are more capable of mobilising the local
communities. Naturally, people only find themselves in a truly participatory
organisation when they share common concerns and volunteer to act collectively
(Brohman 1996:265-66).
Challenges Facing NGOs in Sudan
I observed that the national and
regional NGOs had intensive presence and publicity. Their large numbers at
national and regional levels and their cosy relationship with international
NGOs and other development agencies are clearly evident. The signing of the
peace process between the North and the South of Sudan appear to have polished
up this perception a bit. International NGOs and other development agencies
rely very much on these national NGOs to promote their policies, access
information and provide services. They are all sold on the assumption that
these NGOs are more reliable than the government institutions
The emerging
reality seems to show, however, that the credibility of these local NGOs
(national and regional) is quite questionable. In contrast to the common
perceptions in the literature, the NGOs are facing increasing doubt and
distrust. Their members have been accused of mobilising resources for
themselves rather than the community they claim to be helping. For example,
most people in the villages of North Kordofan State know nothing of the
existence or roles of the over 250 regional NGOs supposedly working in that
state alone.
All NGOs
working in the development sector in Sudan (that is virtually all without
exception) need to put their theoretical claim about development into practice.
They also need to develop a greater sense of commitment to the communities and
be accountable to the people they claim to serve. Likewise they need to build
transparent structures and networks as recent evidence suggests that the
federation can improve the capacity of local organisations (Mitlin 2004:176).
Since existing government policies have opened social space for participation
and free dialogue, the NGOs now have all
the opportunities they need to develop relationships, attract more resources,
and
206
contribute genuinely to the promotion of a nationwide,
participatory development process.
Conclusion
Development theorists (Chambers
1991; Rahnema 1992; Brohman 1996; Cleaver 2001; Henkel et at 2001; Willis 2005)
placed emphasis on the importance of civil society groups and their role in
providing services and advocacy. Apparently, there is an assumption that local
groups and NGOs would respond more quickly to people’s needs and mobilise more
resources than government institutions. This understanding has opened more
space for local NGOs to interact with international development partners and
attract more resources.
In practice,
however, this participatory development approach has received increasingly
strong criticism. Indeed, many have identified key challenges with the
participatory development approach especially in the areas of community mobilisation,
capacity building, planning, partnerships and sustainability. To
overcome these challenges, Kelly and Caputo (2006:234) suggest that greater
attention should be directed at the role of government and
non-governmental agencies. Based on Sudan’s experience, we may include the need
to provide financial and technical
support to community organisations that represent the diverse interest groups
and make them fully accountable to the poor and marginalised people.
The most important role that national
and regional NGOs could play in the development process is to help grassroots
organisations emerge from their isolation, interact with one another and build
allies with other international and state institutions. The Sudanese culture
could be described as a ‘participatory culture’, the values, beliefs and
practices encourage cooperation, fellowship and good neighbourliness. NGOs must
use these cultural tools to motivate people to participate in development
interventions, and raise their awareness about citizens’ rights and
obligations. On the other hand, the international organisations need to acquire
an in-depth understanding of prevailing social, economic, political and
physical environments to make maximum impact in their development programmes.
Note
Information
about Sudanese NGOs is based on the PhD
research which was conducted in 2007 by the author of this article.
207
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