In the wake of the financial crisis, the Swiss financial
centre has come under heavy pressure from two sides and has had to make
significant concessions. On one hand, the behaviour of UBS in the US was
harmful. In February 2009 Switzerland had to disclose the data for some 300 UBS
clients to the US. At end-July Switzerland and the US agreed to settle the US
civil proceedings against UBS out of court.
On the other hand, Switzerland was also put on the OECD and
G-20 grey list in April 2009. The Federal Council had in fact resolved on 13
March 2009 that Switzerland adopt the OECD standard for administrative aid in
tax matters pursuant to article 26 of the OECD model agreement (FDF 2009c). It
announced that it would rapidly initiate negotiations for the revision of DTAs
with States that wished this.
In the meantime Switzerland has concluded and signed 12
DTAsaentailing extended administrative aid (FDF 2009d). Three more have been
negotiated but have not yet been signed. These agreements must now be ratified
by parliament before they can come into force. It is striking that, with the
exception of Mexico (itself a member of OECD) and Qatar, there are no
developing countries on this list.
Switzerland has contracted DTAs with only 42 developing
countries.b Some of these do not provide for any administrative aid in the
event of tax fraud. Another group of the agreements assures administrative aid
only in the event of tax fraud. There are no treaties at all for over 100
developing countries. In these cases there are no contractual commitments with
respect to tax evasion and tax fraud (Alliance Sud 2009). Switzerland had
already negotiated agreements with Bangladesh, Chile and Ghana before it
switched to the OECD standard for exchange of information. The federal
councillors ratified these old-model agreements. Those with France and Turkey,
also originally negotiated on the old model without exchange of information
even for tax evasion, were, in contrast, referred back for reworking. An
economic commission motion has been submitted instructing the Federal Council
to draw up a concept for the equal treatment of OECD and developing countries.
At a media conference in the run-up to a conference of OECD
ministers of finance in Berlin in June 2009 Alliance Sud (2009a), together with
partner organisations from Austria and Luxembourg, presented proposals for a
new tax foreign policy that would benefit not only industrialised States but
also developing countries. The three countries should contribute vigorously to
drying out the tax havens. The OECD standard should also apply for developing
countries. And finally, taxation of interest should be expanded, analogous to
the agreement with the EU, to cover the developing countries.
The latter demand was not new; the aid and development
policy organisations had already called for it in vain in previous years. The
Federal Council had rejected such motions out of hand several times. So it was
all the more surprising that Federal Councillor Micheline Calmy-Rey took up the
aid organisations’ idea at the UN conference on financing development at Doha
at the end of 2008 and declared Switzerland’s readiness, along with other
interested countries, to tax the assets from developing countries deposited
with Swiss banks, analogous to the interest taxation agreement with the EU, and
to direct the income back to the developing countries. The idea was left on the
shelf and was not followed up.
In contrast, various bank representatives launched the idea
of a capital gains tax on foreign assets (Swiss Banking 2009). Switzerland
should levy a tax for interested countries on income from foreign assets held
in Swiss banks. This would equate to a further expansion of EU interest
taxation as dividends and fund income would also be taxed. This is aimed
primarily at OECD member countries, not at developing countries. To date
neither the EU nor OECD has shown any readiness to take up the proposals. There
were also initial defensive reactions from the capitals of individual European
countries and in international press commentaries. Apparently the idea seems to
be rated as an all too transparent manoeuvre by the Swiss banks in an attempt
to save what can still be saved. Foreign States would profit from increased tax
income from Switzerland but would not have any information on the names of the
holders of the assets. Such a capital gains tax contradicts the tendency to
improved exchange of information. The EU wants data, not money. The banks’
newly built-up defence for banking secrecy does not appear to be appropriate
for a prolonged defensive battle.
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