Looking At 50 Years, Scholars Find It Pays To Have President
From Your Tribe
A tribal vote is in some respects a
smart policy decision, because it will confer on you advantages. This finding
suggests that in Africa we need to find creative ways to get minority groups to
the table.
Clever people can be great, but
terrible too when they go poking their noses in dark corners and coming out
with some uncomfortable truth. There are these chaps we wrote about at www.mgafrica.com (“Sometimes,
voting along tribal lines can be the ‘smartest’ thing for an African voter to
do - study says”), who studied ethnicity — we shall call it tribalism to help dramatization
— and how it works in Africa.
They found some surprising things.
They looked at data on primary education and infant mortality in 18 countries
since the independence decade, using Demographic and Health Surveys. Nothing
unusual there. However, next they compared how those education and health
indicators shifted with the changes in the tribe of the presidents in the 18
countries over the past 50 years.
In summary they found that having
your tribesman or woman as president accelerated the health and education
outcomes of your community by an equivalent of three to four years ahead of the
national average. In other words, tribe can be a development steroid. The
research findings should be of particular interest to Kenya, because it found
that in some of the 18 countries such as Congo-Brazzaville, Ethiopia, Gabon and
Kenya, the effects of ethnic favoritism on education are particularly large,
even more than four years.
In other countries, the effects were
felt in health. Thus in Burkina Faso, Chad and my own Uganda, children born
when their co-ethnic leader was in power benefited considerably with the
probability of dying during their first year of life reducing sharply.
And this is why I say smart people
can be dangerous, because why study something like that and come up with a
result we all don’t like? And after poring over data (government data moreover)
of 50 years, it is impossible to ignore or dismiss the findings.
Smart Policy Decision
Some of the conclusions from this,
therefore, have to be different from the ones we have held about tribalism. For
starters, it means that when people vote for a president from their ethnic
group. It is not all “blind tribalism” and narrow cultural solidarity.
No, a tribal vote is in some
respects a smart policy decision, because it will confer on you advantages. But
then it gets complicated. Because it is not only your tribe paying taxes, as
president you cannot be content with their vote or take care of them only. You
do that, it won’t be long before you have a conflict that breaks the country. So
if there are direct measurable benefits in having your tribes mate in power, in
a country with many tribes who all pay taxes, the correct and beneficial thing
is to have them all sitting around the dinner around.
Secondly, the findings of the study
are actually a strong point for rotational leadership. If having your man in
State House accelerates your community’s educational and health progress by
three to four years, then in diverse countries every tribe deserves to get a
chance to have the presidency and boost its fortunes.
Rotational Leadership
So here, for the first time, you could
argue that we have the most down-to-earth argument for presidential term limits
and rotational leadership. You can have term limits, but it is also important
that if the last president was from the south, the next one should be from the
north. Also, this finding suggests that in Africa we need to find creative ways
to get minority groups to the table and not just leave it to the generosity of
a big tribe president to throw them a bone.
Thus for Kenya, while the 2010
Constitution was far-reaching, perhaps the country needs to tinker further with
political reform, and look at proportional representation, and for the
political parties to go toward Namibia-style party lists for elections. That
way, if a party wins, the Ogiek who is on the list will come to Parliament
while under the present system, he might not.
Finally, the study found that these
benefits do not take the usual three to four years to be felt. The president’s
tribe begins to feel the benefit of his rule immediately. Not surprising.
Even international donors and the
UN, usually want to be “seen” by the president to be doing good things. Building
a new school on the road to his village home, and vaccinating children in his
district are the quickest way to do that.
Revealed: How ethnic groups share public jobs
Public Service Commission
chairperson Margaret Kobia. Prof Kobia said the report will give the Public
Service Commission baseline guidelines that will help it to reduce the gaps to
ensure that the public service has a national face.
- Although there are about six million people from the
community — who form 17 per cent of Kenya’s population according to the
2009 census figures — the study said the community was over-represented by
5.5 per cent.
- Prof Kobia attributed the trend to tribalism and
historical reasons, but said the government had put in place measures to
ensure the public service reflects the face of Kenya.
- Prof Kobia said the report will give the Public Service
Commission baseline guidelines that will help it to reduce the gaps to
ensure that the public service has a national face.
- By Samwel Born Maina
More by this Author
The Civil Service is dominated by
four communities who take up more than half of all the jobs, a new government
report has revealed. Members of the Kikuyu community lead the pack, followed by
their counterparts from the Kalenjin, Luhya and Kamba communities. Together,
they control 58 per cent of the workforce in government ministries, departments
and agencies. However, the report, dated December 2014, says that new
appointments in the last financial year were done in a manner that ensured
ethnic balance. The report was the product of a survey conducted in 168
agencies with a workforce of 94,286.
Three Tribes Take Half of All Public Sector Jobs
“Ethnicity is normally one of the
criteria we use when hiring. We want to ensure that all communities are fairly
represented,” Prof Margaret Kobia, the chairperson of the Public Service
Commission, told Nation in a telephone interview. Prof Kobia said the report
will give the Public Service Commission baseline guidelines that will help it
to reduce the gaps to ensure that the public service has a national face. “We can see the gains we have made in
reducing the gap in ethnic representation,” she said.
The report is the first informed by
research and will be useful to scholars, public servants and Kenyans who want
to understand the civil service. It reveals that members of the Kikuyu
community had the highest number of employees at 21,567, accounting for 22.9
per cent of the total workforce. Although there are about six million people
from the community — who form 17 per cent of Kenya’s population according to
the 2009 census figures — the study said the community was over-represented by
5.5 per cent. Members of the Kalenjin community, who have 12,082 jobs in the
surveyed departments, were also over-represented by 1.57 per cent. They form
12.8 per cent of total government workforce.
The Luhya community was third with
11,487 civil servants, representing 12.2 per cent of the workforce. Although it
was one of the communities with the highest number of workers in government, it
was, however, under-represented by 1.78 per cent based on its members’
proportion to the national population, which stands at 14 per cent. The
report ranked the Kamba community fourth, with 1,0321 employees. This
translated to an over-representation of 0.76 per cent.
Tribalism And Historical Reasons
“Taking the size of Kenya’s ethnic
groups in the national population into account, the Kikuyu, Kalenjin, Kisii and
Embu have a fairly large representation relative to their population,” it says.
Prof Kobia attributed the trend to tribalism and historical reasons, but said the government had put in place measures to ensure the public service reflects the face of Kenya. In the 2013/2014 financial year, 2,211 people were employed in various government agencies. Of these, 1,424 were male while 787 were female.
Prof Kobia attributed the trend to tribalism and historical reasons, but said the government had put in place measures to ensure the public service reflects the face of Kenya. In the 2013/2014 financial year, 2,211 people were employed in various government agencies. Of these, 1,424 were male while 787 were female.
Whereas this met the one-third
gender requirement, individuals from the Kalenjin community secured 454
government jobs followed by those from the Kikuyu community who got 412, 404
from the Luhya and 381 from the Luo communities. The Kamba and Kisii
communities had more than 100 people hired with 161 and 145 respectively.
Education, according to the report,
was one of the factors that continue to lock out minorities from civil service
jobs. “It should be noted that employment is a function of, among other
factors, skill, knowledge and literacy, which, in progression towards
compliance, will slow down equal representation among the minorities unless
they improve their low literacy skills,” the report said.
According to the data, the Somali
community has the highest deficit in the public service at 4.4 per cent
followed by the Turkana at 2.2 per cent and the Luhya at 1.8 per cent. There
are 1,751 government workers of Somali origin in the civil service and 384 from
the Turkana community. Others who are under-represented include the Meru with a
workforce of 3,815 which translated to an under-representation of 0.29 per
cent.
Mijikenda
The Mijikenda community has a
workforce of 5,823 while the Swahili community has only 448 employees in
various government agencies. According to the findings, five communities are
not represented at all while three have less than 20 employees. Those not
represented are Galla with a population of 8,146, Konso (1,758), Galjeel
(7,553), Leysan (5,941) and Kenyan Americans (2,422).
The El Molo community, which is at
risk of extinction, has five employees. The community has a total of 2,844
members nationally. The Borana Community has a workforce of 973 out of the
161,399 people. Only one Kenyan European out of the 5,166 people from the
community is in the civil service.
According to the 2009 census, the
Kikuyu community is the most populous with 6.62 million people while the Luhya
are second with 5.33 million followed by the Kalenjin with 4.3 million.
In 2011, a report by the National
Cohesion and Integration Commission on ethnicity in the public service revealed
that five communities — Kikuyu, Kalenjin, Luhya, Kamba and Luo — commanded
about 70 per cent of the total workforce. The Kikuyu community led with 22.3
per cent while Kalenjin followed with 16.7 per cent, Luhya 11.3 per cent and
Kamba 9.7 per cent.
Further study quiz.
Prof. Kobia attributes the trends to
tribalism and historical reasons. Use one example of each to illustrate:
1.
(i) How tribalism
has contributed to this situation;
and
(2.5 Marks)
2.
(ii) One
historical factor that has contributed to this situation.
(2.5 Marks)
3.
a.
(b)
(i)
What threat, if any, does this situation pose to the long-term stability of
Kenya’s social
structure?
(2 Marks)
b.
(iii)
Suggest two strategies that you think would be helpful in achieving a more
equitable sharing of public jobs in
Kenya.
(8 Marks).
The report done by the public service commission is just but a
glimpse of how tribalism has deepened its roots in Kenya contributing to the
domination of most public offices by four tribes. This can be attributed to the
occupation of leadership positions by individuals who have a ‘tribal’ mindset.
There is also allocation of positions on a tribal basis in order to satisfy
political affiliation; the idea that coming from the same tribe is a leverage
to acquire positions and lastly as a manipulation scheme.
The
occupation of leadership positions in government institutions with a ‘tribal’
mindset instills in them certain powers and privileges. An example of this
power is the ability to make autonomous decisions, appointments and the control
over hiring procedures. Through this, they take the opportunity to appoint
staff members from their own tribes and in control of hiring procedures they
ensure it’s done on a tribal basis. These individuals have now occupied a new
status position. They have power to influence their community. With this, their
community members look up to them to enhance development. The pressure falls on
them to carry out favors by offering job positions.
According
to the constitution, the president has power to appoint cabinet secretaries and
other public officers. However, in this case they delegate this to senior
offices in departments. It has been a trend in Kenya for the ruling government
party and tribe to ensure that their tribe and the one supporting it occupy as
many positions in the government as possible. For instance let’s use the four
dominating tribes that is Kikuyu, Kamba, Luhya, and Kalenjin and to some extent
the Luo tribe. The first was a Kikuyu, his president was a Luo. The second
president was Kalenjin and had a Kikuyu vice president. The third was a Kikuyu
and had a Kamba and Luhya vice presidents, currently President Kenyatta is a
Kikuyu with his deputy being a Kalenjin. This has been greatly reflected in the
report by Public Service Commission. Kikuyu occupying 22.3%, Kalenjin
15.3%,Luhya 11.3% and Kamba 9.7% of the total workforce in the civil service.
The allocation of public service becomes related to political affiliation in
the fact that at some point each of these tribes in end occupied the highest
ruling positions in the country.
In
Kenya, one of the nations highly polarized by negative ethnicity in Africa.
Competition for the authoritative allocation of state resources is done on a
tribal basis. When individuals go for job interviews, they resolve to using
manipulation as a measure to get the job. The fact that we belong to the same
tribe or the interviewer comes from the same tribe as the head of department
becomes a leverage to get the job position. When this happens, a rampant and
large scar in various regions in the country results to the outlandish
statistics as per the public commission report.
The
coming of the missionaries in the 19th century was characterized by
introduction formal education. This formal education system was intended to
benefit the local people especially in making them conscious of their lives and
environment. However, not all communities embraced this new education system,
some resisted regarding it as being a political tool of control by Europeans.
Only a few communities welcomed them. The communities then comprised of single
tribes and the population was homogeneous. The communities that embraced formal
education differed greatly with those that resisted. The tribes that embraced
formal education got to know their human rights, the essence to fight for
freedom from the colonial masters. However, the resisting tribes were still
held back by their cultural traditions and did not get the opportunity to make
literate individuals from its population.
The
embracing tribes having learnt the power and skills in leadership championed
the withdrawal of the imperial rule and took over the leadership positions
previously held by the white colonial masters. The resisting tribes lacked
elites who would have represented them in leadership positions left by the
outgoing colonialists. Therefore, all leadership positions were taken over by
the elites from the tribes that had embraced formal education. Generally, these
positions have been hitherto assumed by the privileged communities, as an
original right, to belong to their ethnic groups and hence tribalism is still
the dominant ideology in government.
Perhaps,
the worst negative psychological legacy of colonialism was the imposition of
artificial parochial ethnic hatred. The practice of oppressive divide and rule
policy in governance, economic exploitation, racial discrimination and social
humiliation only served to entrench these misplaced feelings and stereotypes of
other communities. Communities were not able to associate together. The
assumption that other communities should rule was created. For instance, the
Kikuyu community developed the impression that Luo were unclean since they were
not circumcised and were unreliable while the Luhya as a community were
schemers. In a nutshell, tribalism was created in the minds of Kenyans.
The
indirect rule administration by the British colonialists later turned out to
the divide and rule strategy which polarized the various ethnic groups in
Kenya. The political groups were thereafter distributed into the ‘distinct
ethnic unions’ that is the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA), The Kamba formed
the Ukambani Members Association (UMA), while the Luhya formed the Luhya Union
(LU). The Luo formed the Young Kavirondo Association (YKA), and the Kalenjin
formed the Kalenjin Political Alliance (KPA). As a result of the foregoing
ethnic trends, a situation prevailed in this country, where a common national
political voice was not possible to attain.
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